臺灣社會學會年會
11/12(六)下午場次
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1-4-第三會議室-亞洲軍事與社會關係: 日增的壓力(3)台灣、印度與東南亞經驗比較
2022-10-04
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場次簡介:亞洲軍事與社會關係: 日增的壓力(3)台灣、印度與東南亞經驗比較

台灣的軍事社會關係近年來成為民眾們關心的重要議題。舉凡義務役、教召改革、軍方與民主化、國防產業的軍民合作等等,在當今的地緣與國內政治背景之下,特別是從今年烏克蘭戰爭以來,都躍入大眾視野之中。儘管台灣的軍事社會學研究已有多年發展,一般的媒體討論似乎仍然比較重視政治學與國際關係的看法,社會學的觀點則相當少見。故而此議題這兩年來也成為中研院社會所比較亞洲轉型主題研究小組持續關注的焦點。承本小組先前所舉辦的軍事與社會系列演講、去年的國際學術工作坊,以及討論台灣安全問題與軍隊國家化的講座,在今年的研討會上,我們希望能繼續深化主題,邀請研究台灣、日本、澳、印、菲等國家的軍事政治與社會學者,聚首討論亞洲的軍事與社會關係的變遷。並且希望能藉此推展台灣軍事社會學的研究,並吸引更多人投入此一領域。
Introduction: Taiwan’s military-civilian relations have become a major issue of public concern. Topics such as reform of the compulsory service and development of the defense industry have all jumped into the public eye in the context of an increasing and more obvious geopolitical pressure, especially since the start of the Ukraine war this year. Although Taiwan’s military sociology research has already a long history, most media and public debates seem to pay more attention to the views of political science and international relations, and less so from sociology. The research team on Asian Social Transformation in Comparative Perspective of the Institute of Sociology at Academia Sinica has therefore taken interest in these issues over the past two years. Following a series of lectures on topics such as Taiwan’s security issues and the nationalization of the military, along with the international academic workshop we held last year, during this year’s workshop held in cooperation with TSA & Ping-Tung University, we hope to deepen this thematic by gathering recent research on the cases of Taiwan, Japan, Australia, India, the Philippines, etc., and we hope it will contribute to inciting more sociologists to dive into this field of research.

 

 


主持人兼評論:蕭新煌
發表人:王文岳  (南國際大學東南亞系系主任暨副教授)
題目:Civil-Military Relations in the Philippines:
Explaining the Politicized Turn of the AFP during the Duterte Administration(菲律賓的軍民關係:解釋杜特蒂執政時期菲軍的政治化轉向)
This article explores the role the military has played in the democratization processes of the Philippines. Since the end of the Marcos dictatorship, the Philippines has been plagued with several instances of military mutinies. The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) were actively involved in the resignation of President Joseph Estrada, and the succession of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Under the presidencies of Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and Rodrigo Roa Duterte, the Armed Forces of the Philippines shoulders more non-traditional security responsibilities. An examination of the patterns in post-Marcos Philippine civil-military relations indicates that the AFP remains a highly politicized institution. The issue of democratization and the military in the Philippines manifests the political interventions and rampant human rights abuses from the barracks. The mainstream democratization literature tends to explain the different outcomes of democratization processes based on elite choices, new norms and values, shifts in conjunctural situations, the unraveling of the institutional structures of authoritarian regimes and the formation of new democratic institutional structures. Yet none of these factors fully explains why the AFP successfully keeps its political influence. During his political career, from the war on drugs, fighting against terrorism and the lingering communist insurgency, Duterte’s heavy dependence on the AFP to accomplish security goals also implied a great cost to the nation’s democracy. Meanwhile, the AFP has reciprocated Duterte’s favor by defending the authoritarian leader’s rhetoric and policies. This article will explore the evolution of civil-military relations in the Philippines with special attention to the increasing nontraditional responsibility of the AFP when involved in the spreading of the Covid-19 pandemic under the Duterte administration.  

Keywords: The Armed Forces of the Philippines; Civil-military relations; Transition to democracy; military professionalism; Duterte

發表人:楊昊  (政治大學東亞研究所教授)
題目:民主斷層和軍方:緬式民主與進退維谷的政治轉型(Democratic Gap and the Military: Burmese Democracy and Political Transformations in a Quandary)
  從緬國近代政治史來看,1960年代以來,緬甸即經歷政治改革的顛簸之途。直到2011年,軍方正式退位並轉由文人掌權,經歷十年開放有成且享有五年民主歷程的新緬甸,到了2021年的今天再度回到由一個又一個委員會遂行軍方意志的寡頭集團所領導的情勢。在2021年2月國務資政翁山蘇姬與總統溫敏被拘禁後,出身軍方、具有中將資歷,曾擔任過第一副總統與代理總統的副總統敏瑞 (Myint Swe)「被」成為臨時總統,但緬甸目前的實權則掌握在緬甸國 家領導委員會主席、陸軍總司令敏昂萊(Min Aung Hlaing)大將身上。緬式民主的脆弱本質,由此可見。值得注意的是,緬甸人民的抵抗從1930年代即有由多位知識青年(翁山將軍在1930年代末期加入)所籌組的德欽黨於凸顯緬甸獨立的意志下,採取各種抵抗英國殖民統治的行動,包含學運、罷工、反對英殖民運動等。數十年後,由翁山之女翁山蘇姬所帶領的追求民主運動,更是大規模地在全國主要城市推進,於全國蓄積能量,最後成功地於2015年經選舉 取得政權;在歷經顛簸後,民主派終於成為緬甸的執政黨,甚為難得。不過,2021年初的政變徒然讓緬甸政治陷入僵局,不僅民主發展嚴重倒退、甚至成為民主斷層,但人民的抵抗卻顯得更加激烈,不只在仰光街頭採取激烈抗爭,對抗非法取得政權的軍政府,更激烈地攻擊中資工廠,警告中國不得支持緬甸軍政府。從1930年迄今將近100年的時間,人民的抵抗在緬甸早已根生蒂固,同時因為遊走於體制內外所歷經的長期變遷與演化,使得鑲嵌在緬甸民主轉型與政治發展中的人民抵抗具有複雜的內涵,值得細細研究。本文將以「民主斷層」為題檢視緬甸的政治發展,並探索下列兩個主題,第一,造成緬甸進退維谷政治發展的關鍵因素為何,也就是檢視緬甸的民主斷層的原因與現況。第二,本文也將同時將檢視軍方勢力在緬甸民主斷層與政治發展過程中的角色與能量。

關鍵字:緬甸、民主化、軍隊、政治發展、民主斷層

發表人:Anit Mukherjee (Associate Professor S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS)Nanyang Technological University, Singapore)
題目: Contesting Strategies: The Quad, Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific(戰略的角逐:四方安全對話、東南亞與印太地區)
The Indo-Pacific as a strategic term is currently in vogue. It is however not universally embraced. China and Russia, for instance, oppose such a term whereas Southeast Asia countries are, at best, lukewarm if not averse to it. By contrast, the Quad countries, comprising the US, Japan, Australia and India, are enthusiastic about it. Similarly, Western European countries have unveiled or are planning to announce their own ‘tilts,’ to varying degrees to the Indo-Pacific. What explains this differentiation in the response from such different countries? What are the opportunities and challenges across the Indo-Pacific? While answering these questions, this talk gives an overview of the contesting strategies in the region.

發表人:謝斐宇  (中研院社會所副研究員)
題目:Bringing Geopolitics Back In: Selfreliant National Defense in 1970s South Korea and Taiwan(把地緣政治帶回來:1970 年代台韓的自給國防)
Going beyond the literature that focuses on the state-society relationship to explain state-led development in East Asia, this paper brings geopolitics, as expressed in inter-state relationships, to the forefront to scrutinize the developmental state thesis. The paper explains how geopolitics and the state’s response to geopolitics have influenced and shaped South Korea’s and Taiwan’s post-war industrial development by examining self-reliant national defense in the critical 1970s.

The Nixon Doctrine with the withdrawal of US troops from Asia propelled a self-reliant defense-induced industrialization in both South Korea and Taiwan in the 1970s. Korea became a model of latecomer industrialization of the military-industrial complex. Despite facing similar challenges, Taiwan was an unfit case, because contested statehood limited its access to technology and choices. Its contested statehood was exemplified in its diplomatic isolation, first losing seats in the UN in 1972 and then diplomatic ties with most advanced countries as the latter normalized relationships with the People’s Republic of China. These geopolitical events form the basis for understanding Taiwan’s relationships with other countries and its industrialization trajectory. Through the development of missile projects in both countries in the 1970s, this paper demonstrates that Korea’s self-reliant defense was realized through global connections with transnational flows of knowledge and technology that subsequently formed the basis of the defense-civilian industry nexus. In contrast, Taiwan’s defense-induced industrialization resulted in a thorough self-reliance with limited access to global technology and limited diffusion from the military to civilian industries. This paper contributes to the debate on the origins of the developmental state and the relationships within the military and industry nexus.


Keywords: self-reliant defense; Heavy and Chemical Industrialization drive; cold war geopolitics; Taiwan; South Korea; developmental state