香港從英治後期以來，存在一個蓬勃而組織良好的公民社會。2003年以來，尤其是最近十年，公民社會轉向抗爭性，要求更多民主，並且產生了本土主義和要求香港獨立的聲音。2019年反修例運動（反送中運動）是這波長期動員週期的最高峰。之後，中國政府在香港實施國家安全法，全面鎮壓香港的公民抵抗運動，並大規模解組公民社會和政治社會中的泛民政治力量。香港面臨此歷史大變局，民主力量和本土力量如何對應？香港的公民社會產生何種變化？香港和海外的公民社會發生了何種關係上的變化？這個自組主題將研究這一系列問題。何明修探討香港在反送中運動以來，貨幣如何提供了一個較安全、匿名化的參與管道，並質變了貨幣與抗爭行動之間的象徵意義與倫理意涵。鄭祖邦探索香港實施國安法之後，在地行動者如何利用｢弱者的武器」在日常抵抗中應對審查，如何在｢適度的順從｣中進行｢謹慎的抵抗｣？呂青湖以國家安全教育為例，探討境內教育者以低調形式抵抗國家教育，境外教育者則以公開形式反駁國安教育，因此威權政府能否製造「順服公民」仍不確定。吳介民將探討近年香港與台灣在公民抵抗連結上的變化，分析台灣在支援香港抗爭者在海外組織遠距抵抗運動中的角色。

摘要：在抗爭政治研究中，為何人們想要加入抗議隊伍向來是重要的研究問題。傳統風來，學者關切社會運動中的人力資源，但是對於貨幣資源卻較少著墨。相對於實體的參與，「貨幣動員」(monetary mobilization)提供了一個較安全、匿名化的參與管道；特別是對於具經濟能力、但是具有高度風險意識的支持者而言，這是具有吸引力的選項。這篇文章將要檢視2019年以降的香港民主運動，其中許多市民以捐助者、消費者、投資者角色參與運動，以及政府如何透過各種手段阻斷支援運動的現金流。我將運用經濟社會學家Viviana Zelizer的洞見，貨幣總是與其象徵意義、倫理意涵緊密交織在一起。本研究發現，貨幣除了提供抗爭者必要的物資支援，同時也是承載了市民的道德憤怒、烏托邦願景。香港人運用貨幣，同時也冀望能建立支助者與受益者之間的某種理想關係，努力避免其關係的變質。在社會運動中，貨幣不只是一種純粹的工具與手段，也不是一種能夠任意轉化的資源。

關鍵詞：社會運動、貨幣動員、金錢、社會關係

摘要：在港版《國安法》實施之後，讓香港社會從一個本具有個人自由和若干民主化的社會瞬間進入了近似極權化的狀態。無論是議會中民主派議員的清洗、對街頭社運分子的逮捕與檢控、新聞媒體被迫與主動的關閉、公民團體的紛紛解散，再加上許許多多選擇或被迫離開的香港人，這些現象不禁讓人覺得，似乎所有推動在地民主化的力量都已瓦解且蕩然無存？也讓人覺得香港似乎不可能再出現大規模的集體行動與在地抗爭。如今，彷彿如同官方所宣稱的，在國安法的深入實施下｢真正確保了香港的安全、安定與安寧｣？不過，在本文中，筆者嘗試觀察的是，香港人如何利用｢弱者的武器｣(James Scott)在國安法的權力之網中進行日常的抵抗。特別是，從政治管控的角度，國安法的一個重要作用就是要人民進行｢自我審查｣，國家權力把界線畫得很模糊，在這樣的基礎之上，什麼可以說、什麼不可以說？什麼可以做、什麼不能做？界線愈不清楚，大家愈害怕，會愈來愈退後。所以，在地的行動者是如何應對自我審查的作用？如何在｢適度的順從｣中進行｢謹慎的抵抗｣？筆者試圖在本文去釐清相關的圖像，及其對香港民主運動的可能意義。

關鍵詞：國安法、自我審查、隱匿的抗爭、日常抵抗

摘要：This study highlights the role of educators in the resistance of National Security Education (NSE) amidst waves of political repression after Hong Kong’s anti-extradition movement in 2019-2020. Education reforms, teacher training, and  assessment for students in Hong Kong used to aim at enabling students’ creativity and critical thinking and independent thinking skills. NSE that emphasizes knowledge construction from China’s perspectives has contradicted the long-standing teaching and learning philosophies. This paper asked: How do politically liberal educators navigate these changes? Do they conform and/or resist? Based on the study of social media and interviews with 15 politically liberal educators – former and current teachers, school librarians, educators in public organizations, and university professors – inside and outside Hong Kong, I uncover that beneath the public transcripts of compliance in schools, there are low-profile forms of resistance by acting while gatekeeping, through the use of reframing, story-telling, and satires on the part of the educators within Hong Kong. Outside Hong Kong, educators counter the ideological influence under NSE openly both individually and collectively, enabling an alternative voice to NSE that can reach to students within Hong Kong. This study illuminates that authoritarian governments never control the stage absolutely, and it is too soon to tell whether their wishes to create “obedient citizens” prevail.

關鍵詞：nationalistic education, local/transnational resistance, Hong Kong, teachers

摘要：Taiwan has long seen the PRC’s treatment of Hong Kong as a barometer of its Taiwan policy. When Deng Xiaoping proposed the “One Country, Two Systems” formula four decades ago, he was eyeing Taiwan, though without a timetable. The uneasy post-Cold War partnership between Taiwan and Hong Kong has undergone a profound transformation in recent years. As Beijing started turning the screws on Hong Kong, it also aimed to decouple the Hong Kong-Taiwan civic movement nexus. What changes have occurred in the movement connections between Hong Kong and Taiwan due to Beijing’s total repression? And how has Taiwan’s role in supporting Hong Kong transformed? This paper will first describe Hong Kong’s civil movement’s interaction with Taiwan’s civic groups since 2012. It then analyzes how Taiwan supported Hong Kong’s protesters during the Anti-Extradition Movement that erupted in June 2019 and how Beijing destroyed Hong Kong’s limited democracy and civil society and separated Hong Kong from the western democracies with the National Security Law. Due to the rapid deterioration of the situation in Hong Kong, the center of resistance has shifted. Overseas movements have flourished in the past few years as some opposition elites emigrated and established various organizations in Taiwan and the west. The last section points out that Taiwan’s decade-long civil society engagement with Hong Kong has transformed with new network building and spatial restructuring and how the Taiwanese can contribute to the future liberalization of Hong Kong.

關鍵詞：China factor, civic movement, resistance, Taiwan-Hong Kong relations